L. S.: Speaking of extensive federal government, one of the serious threats that America is facing with today is the burgeoning bureaucracy of Washington. The phenomenon of “administrative state” has been in the forefront of public debates for the last decades, however, their origins go back, at least to the progressive era. Can you shed some lights on the background of this phenomenon and can you also tell us why is it threatening the separation of powers along with the popular sovereignty?
R. B.: You raised a very good question because it does go back a long way. Our “republican Constitution” can protect the liberties of We the People only if it is followed. This is one of the reasons I defend “originalism” which merely says that “the meaning of the Constitution should remain the same until it is properly changed by a constitutional amendment.” The Constitution is the law that governs those who govern us. And those who are to be governed by it can no more change the law that governs them—without going through the amendment process—than we the people can change the laws that govern us without going through the legislative process.
But if the Constitition is not followed, then it cannot do the job of protecting the rights retained by the people. So the question is whether these independent agencies are following the Constitution or not.
followed, then it cannot do the job of protecting the rights retained by the people. So the question is whether these independent agencies are following the Constitution or not.The Constitution expressly contemplates in more than one place that there will be “departments” of the executive branch. And these departments execute or enforce the laws passed by Congress. Congress does not enforce its own laws. The problem, therefore, is not the existence of departments or agencies. Instead, the problem is whether these agencies or departments are simply executing—or administering and enforcing—the law that has been made by the federal legislature; or whether these agencies are themselves making law.
Since the 1930s, Congress has been passing very broad legislation that essentially set goals instead of creating rules of law for individual citizens to follow. As a result, the executive agencies rather than the legislature began to make the rules of law for individuals to follow, which went beyond enforcing and adjudicating the laws enacted by Congress. When Congress delegated its legislative power to the executive branch, that was a violation of the separation of powers that the original Constitution was designed to protect.
This is called the “nondelegation doctrine.” But the Supreme Court has not found an unconstitutional delegation since the 1930s. If it restores that doctrine and invalidates a law for improperly delegating legislative power, that would be “judicial activism” in the descriptive sense, but not in the pejorative sense. (Though I think we ought to drop the as confusing—because it two senses—and unhelpful because the term doesn’t explain why the invalidation is wrong or improper.)
L. S.: So the “administrative state” is looming on our constitutional horizon. What remedies could you envision for this dilemma? What could be the role of the Supreme Court?
R. B.: There are two ways we can change things properly in the United States. One of them is amending the Constitution. There is a movement to have a constitutional amendments convention—or convention of the states—that would try to address some of these problems. However, I think this is very unlikely to happen because two third of the states need to agree to call such a convention. The other way is for the Supreme Court to start enforcing the Constitution according to its original meaning.
One of the things the Supreme Court could do is to say that Congress cannot just delegate all their legislative powers to the executive branch and to the agencies. Congress needs to legislate themselves. However, as I said, the “nondelegation doctrine” has been more or less defunct in the United States since the 1930s. Although we have a few new Justices, at the moment we do not have a working majority of five or six Justices out of nine that are prepared to do much to restore the original meaning of the text. So whatever changes we will see are likely to be very incremental.
L. S.: Do you think there is a danger that the European Union is experiencing the same phenomenon?
R. B.: Knowing how mistaken are some about the U.S. political system, I hesitate to comment on the features of another system with which I am less familiar. So let me keep my comments at the most abstract level. The problem with the European Union from the perspective of separation of powers or “Federalism” and even of “subsidiarity” is that nation states are losing a lot of their independence with respect to making their own laws.
In addition, the European Union is an “administrative state” without real electoral or democratic accountability. Remember, I said above that the reason for electoral accountability—what we call democracy—is as a check on the abuse of power, not as an expression of the true “will of the people.” In Europe there are many “peoples” who find themselves increasingly unable to check the power of the central bureaucracy who are making the laws. Even the European Parliament does not have that much to do with the making of laws since the laws are made by the different agencies and committees. In some sense the European Union is an extreme form of the “administrative state” problem we have here and which is creating some of the problems with liberty. Like us, you have a legislature who is detached from the lawmaking being done by a bureaucracy that is difficult, if not impossible, for individuals or business to “check.” But we had best move on before I expose my ignorance of the inner workings of the EU.
L. S.: You just pointed out the heart of the debate that is going on in Europe. However, one might have to ass that a lot state constitutions in Europe are saying that they do not transfer sovereignty to the European Union; instead they are sharing the exercise of sovereignty with other Member States to the extent necessarily derived from the Founding Treaties. And in the United States states are not sovereign, are they?
R. B.: And I reject the idea that our states in the United States are sovereign. Unlike France, England or Hungary who are supposed to be sovereign, our states are not sovereign anymore; they became more perfectly unified in 1791 when the people (not the states) adopted the Constitution in popular conventions. But our states have what is sometimes called “divided sovereignty” in the sense that they have powers delegated to them by the people that the federal government does not have and the federal government has powers delegated to it by the people that the states do not have.
In the European Union, the governing powers were transferred directly from sovereign governments to a large “administrative state.” As I understand it, neither the Treaty of Rome nor the Treaty of the European Union was ratified by the respective peoples of the nations that comprise the Union. Unless the U.S. Constitution, it gets its powers from the member state governments. And right now I understand that your “administrative state” is increasingly overriding any remaining law making powers that your independent member states are supposed to have.
L. S.: Today, there is another dilemma closely related to the administrative state. There are increasing debates around the various interests embedded in this growing bureaucracy that are threatening the visible and democratic government. Although theories around a double government or “deep state” have been with U.S. since the “Gilded Age”, they recently became one of main themes of the political discourse. Do you see a parallel between the solidification of the “administrative state” and the “deep state”?
R. B.: I would say that the “administrative state” and the “deep state” are referring to two different things, but both result in problems. On the one hand, there are the NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) who are very powerful in Europe; and we have our own version of them in the United States. These NGOs are the ones that operate directly on or influence indirectly the administrative state, its the various agencies and committees. There is a loving relationship between the NGOs and the “administrative state” in Europe.
On the other hand, the “deep state” concept in the United States is somewhat different. The “deep state” is a concept to describe how the “career” agency personnel – government workers who are shielded by civil service protections – resist the policies of those who have been elected to govern them. The “deep state” is the permanent bureaucracy that can resist, sabotage or undercut the elected officials or the officials appointed by the elected President. What we see in the United States is “the resistance”—which is how they describe themselves—pitted against the Trump administration. This is a conflict between the permanent bureaucracy with their own agenda and the political appointees that are put in place by the elected President to constrain the permanent bureaucracy.
L. S.: In your view did the centralization contribute to this controversy?
R. B.: Absolutely! It is one of the reasons why businesses and corporations like centralized government because, that way, they only have one government to deal with. So in Europe, instead of negotiating with the English, French or Hungarian parliament, they can just go right to the source and get their favorite rules and regulations made by the European Union. This makes for one-stop-shopping for them. It’s the same in the United States.
But there are several problems with this one-size-fits-all approach. For example, with any policy, everybody has to live under the regime of whichever class becomes the ruling class; whichever class gains the reins of the power they get to implement their favorite. And, as you said at the beginning of this interview, this creates a kind of “Hobbesian” war. Instead of a “Lockian” society in which the government exists as the servant of people to protect the rights of individuals—each and every one of us—which I call the Republican Constitution, we now have essentially a “Hobbesian” vision of all against all. Once a “Leviathan” is created torul over everyone, you have to fight a “holy war” to control it or at least impede it because if you don’t control or impede it, then your political opponents will control it and with it they will control you. If pushed far enough, this is a recipe for either a hot or cold civil war in a society.