There is something incompatible about human rights and the “rights of Englishmen.”
The rights of Englishmen are absolute: they include deciding what goods, norms and values are going to be part of your system of rights in the first place. There is a tension between the Constitution as the Founders wrote it in the 18th century and the concept of rights that arouse in the 20th. This conflict would have come up in any case. But the conflict over civil rights exacerbated it
Since you mentioned the continental Europe, let’s turn to old continent where the challenges do not seem to be less significant. Europe went through a crises period throughout the 2010s. In addition, there are numerous visible cracks in the EU. The crack is visible between the “old” Europe before the Eastward enlargement and the “new” Europe after the Eastward enlargement. How do you see these cracks from overseas?
Pardon me if I draw a parallel between the building of the EU and the building of the United States. The project of our Constitution involved federating thirteen colonies, each of which thought of itself as an independent nation. It was never made clear what the terms of this Federation were: Was it just a bond of convenience that these colonies could withdraw from whenever they wanted, with their sovereignty intact? Or was it an agreement that, over time, those thirteen colonies would be extinguished as sovereign nations, and disappear into the larger entity? Does the federation predominate? Or does the nation? An inability to resolve these questions caused our civil war.
It is a very dangerous thing to leave this issue ambiguous and unclear. So why didn’t we resolve it? Because for the people who wanted a Federation, it had to be left ambiguous. We can see in retrospect that the historical mission of the U.S. Constitution was to extinguish the national claims of the states, an understanding that was imposed formally by the 14th Amendment in 1868, in the wake of our civil war. But if the constituent states of the United States had understood in 1788 that the Constitution would mean the end of Virginians as a people, or the end of Massachusetts as an independent commonwealth, none of them would have consented to it.
The European Union — it is quite obvious to anyone who has studied the history of the United States — is a similar project. Its mission in not just to unite the continent’s nations but to replace them.
This is the most important question at the center of the EU project but almost nobody talks about,
because those who dominate academic and journalistic writing on the EU tend to be sympathetic to the idea of centralization, and they understand that the idea of “replacing” or “phasing out” France or Italy or Hungary would be very unpopular.
However, the European Union recently lost one of its key Member States. The United Kingdom was a strategically and economically important Member State of the EU. What are the lessons and consequences of Brexit?
The presence of Great Britain strengthened the EU in ways commensurate with its size, its military power, its economy, its financial sophistication, and its connections to the world culture. But for the reasons we have been discussing (its different constitutional culture, its idiosyncratic idea of liberty), it also had a moderating influence on the bloc.
Britain’s departure makes the European Union a very different place, and a less free one.
It raises the pressure on Central and Eastern European countries — and on smaller Member States more generally — to conform to the wishes of Brussels.
Besides the United States, Europe has its own debates about a unique European way of life as well as about the values that connect Europeans throughout the continent. In your book titled Reflections on the Revolution in Europe, you foresaw the current European debates a decade ago. How do you see these debates unfolding?
The strength of Europe is its variety. This is what Americans probably envy most about the Old Continent. In the United States, you can fill your car up with gas in St. Louis, drive all day in any direction, and the next gas station you pull into will look exactly like the one you left. In Europe you can wake up in the land of Montaigne and you can walk ten minutes across a bridge and be in the land of Goethe.
This variety has been the source of liberty.
No single power has ever yet been strong enough to subjugate the whole continent for long.
What are the challenges and main responsibility of Europeans to preserve the European way of life?
What binds these diverse civilizations together is, obviously, Christianity. Its hold is weakening.
Without Christianity, there is no European way of life.
There may persist a kind of secularized global capitalism that is familiar to the continent’s elites, but this is not a system of Europe’s creation, nor will it be one in which Europe sets the rules.
On top of that, the demographic situation in all European countries is rapidly deteriorating. In cruder language: Not a single European country is any longer capable (or inclined) to bear a workforce that will permit the continuation of its economy and its culture. To have “responsibility,” you need to have a stable situation, and Europe’s situation appears anything but stable.